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The Hamas 2017 Document

The Hamas 2017 Document, formally titled “A Document of General Principles and Policies,” is a policy statement Hamas released in Doha, Qatar on 1 May 2017 to soften its public image abroad while leaving its founding 1988 covenant on the books and its core positions on Israel, armed struggle and “full liberation” of Palestine unchanged. It is often cited, especially by advocacy groups and some journalists, as proof Hamas “moderated” or “abandoned antisemitism.” The text itself does not support that reading.

The document is a 42-article statement of principles, distinct from and never a legal amendment to the 1988 Hamas Covenant. Unlike the covenant, which functions as Hamas’s constitutional charter, the 2017 document was presented as a supplementary political platform. Hamas never held the process required under its own charter to repeal or replace the covenant, and no article of the 2017 text purports to do so. Both documents remain part of Hamas’s public record today, and Hamas officials have repeatedly declined to say the covenant is void.

The document was drafted by Hamas’s political bureau under the outgoing chairmanship of Khaled Mashal, who unveiled it at a Doha press conference alongside his successor, Ismail Haniyeh, just before Haniyeh took over as the movement’s overall leader in 2017. Yahya Sinwar, who had become Hamas’s Gaza chief that February, was not the public face of the rollout but backed it internally. No public referendum, congress vote count or membership ratification accompanied the release; it was announced as an executive-level policy statement, not voted into force the way a party platform normally would be.

By 2017 Hamas faced real diplomatic costs from the 1988 covenant’s language, especially Article 32’s citation of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion and its hadith about Jews hiding behind trees and stones. Egypt’s post-2013 government under Abdel Fattah el-Sisi had crushed the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas’s ideological parent, and treated Hamas with corresponding hostility; Gulf states were wary of Brotherhood-linked groups; and Hamas wanted a text it could hand to Western and Arab interlocutors that dropped the Protocols of the Elders of Zion citation and any explicit claim of being a Muslim Brotherhood branch. The timing, days before a leadership handover, let Mashal present it as a valedictory statement rather than a doctrinal reversal requiring internal debate.

The document keeps Hamas’s maximalist territorial claim intact. It states that Hamas “rejects any alternative to the full and complete liberation of Palestine, from the river to the sea,” language central to the modern from the river to the sea debate. Its one widely cited concession, Article 20, adds that “without compromising its rejection of the Zionist entity and without relinquishing any Palestinian rights,” Hamas would accept “a fully sovereign and independent Palestinian State… along the lines of the 4th of June 1967” as “a formula of national consensus,” meaning a tactical staging point, not a final settlement or recognition of Israel behind the Green Line. Article 16 draws a rhetorical line between Jews and Zionists: “Hamas does not wage a struggle against the Jews because they are Jewish but wages a struggle against the Zionists as occupiers and usurpers.” The document commits to “armed struggle” as a legitimate right and does not renounce it.

The document does not recognize Israel’s right to exist, does not rescind the 1988 covenant, does not disarm Hamas, and does not withdraw Hamas’s rejection of any prior agreement, including the PLO’s 1968 charter framework of negotiated settlement Hamas has always opposed. It accepts a Palestinian state on 1967 lines only as a stage, explicitly not as an end to the conflict, a distinction the two-state versus one-state debate often loses. The Israeli government dismissed the release at the time as image management rather than substance, noting Hamas kept building its Gaza tunnel network and rocket arsenal in parallel. The Council on Foreign Relations, in its standing backgrounder on Hamas, likewise notes the group has not disavowed the original covenant even as it circulates the newer text.

No government removed Hamas from a terrorism list because of the document; the US had designated Hamas a Foreign Terrorist Organization in 1997 and the European Union, United Kingdom and others maintained their own listings unchanged. The document produced no negotiations, no ceasefire framework and no shift in Hamas’s military posture. Six and a half years later, on October 7, 2023, Hamas carried out the deadliest single-day massacre of Jews since the Holocaust, an attack fully consistent with the “full liberation… from the river to the sea” language the 2017 document had kept rather than the moderation some read into it. The document’s legal status today is that of an unratified policy paper: it binds no successor Hamas leadership, has never been formally invoked to override the covenant in any Hamas internal document, and both texts sit side by side as evidence of what the organization has said about itself in its own words.

The 1988 Hamas Covenant · Hamas (glossary) · Who attacked first on October 7 · What “from the river to the sea” actually means · Ismail Haniyeh · Who started the wars