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UN Resolution 3379: Zionism is Racism (1975)

UN General Assembly Resolution 3379 is the 1975 resolution that officially declared Zionism, the movement for Jewish national self-determination in its ancestral homeland, “a form of racism and racial discrimination.” It was adopted by a General Assembly vote of 72 in favor, 35 against, and 32 abstentions on 10 November 1975, engineered by a Soviet-Arab bloc during the Cold War, and it stood as UN policy for sixteen years before the Assembly did something it almost never does: it repealed the resolution outright in 1991, an implicit admission that the original vote had been a libel, not a finding.

The resolution’s operative text runs to a single decisive sentence, embedded in a preamble citing earlier UN texts on racial discrimination and colonialism: it “determines that Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination.” That is the entire substantive content. It named no facts, cited no legal standard for what “racism” means, and offered no definition of Zionism beyond treating it as self-evidently equivalent to the “unholy alliance” the preamble draws between Zionism, apartheid South Africa, and Nazism. The resolution passed under the umbrella of a broader Third Committee agenda item on “Elimination of all forms of racial discrimination,” giving a movement to re-establish a Jewish state in the land where Jewish civilization began the same UN designation reserved for the codified white-supremacist legal system of apartheid South Africa.

The vote took place at UN Headquarters in New York on 10 November 1975, but its groundwork was laid months earlier and an ocean away. At the World Conference on Women in Mexico City that June and July, Soviet and Arab delegations inserted language denouncing “colonialism and neo-colonialism, foreign occupation, Zionism, apartheid and racial discrimination in all its forms” into the conference’s final declaration, the first time any UN-sponsored forum had formally equated Zionism with racism. That set the template for what followed in the General Assembly five months later. In between, on 1 October 1975, Uganda’s dictator Idi Amin addressed the General Assembly in his capacity as chairman of the Organisation of African Unity and called for Israel’s “extinction” as a state, remarks American Jewish organizations condemned as “an appeal to genocide” and that drew a rare public rebuke from US Ambassador Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who called Amin a “racist murderer.” Resolution 3379 was adopted five weeks later, in that atmosphere.

The resolution was carried by a Soviet bloc-Arab League coalition, joined by roughly half the states of Africa and a scattering of Asian and Latin American governments, all under active Soviet diplomatic pressure during the Cold War’s ideological contest for the developing world. Israel had no formal relations with most of the Communist and Arab states voting, and no vote of its own in a body it was not a member state’s peer on this question. The United States led the opposition. Ambassador Moynihan’s speech to the Assembly minutes after the vote became one of the most quoted rebukes in UN history: “The United States of America declares that it does not acknowledge, it will not abide by, it will never acquiesce in this infamous act,” he said, warning the Assembly that “a great evil has been loosed upon the world.” Western Europe, most of Latin America, and a bloc of smaller democracies voted no or abstained alongside the US and Israel.

The resolution had no enforcement mechanism and changed no law, but it did real damage for sixteen years: it gave international antisemitism a UN seal of approval, supplied the vocabulary for decades of “Zionism equals racism” rhetoric at UN bodies and NGO conferences, and became a rallying text for states and movements seeking to delegitimize Israel’s existence rather than criticize its policies. Israel’s own UN ambassador, Chaim Herzog, tore a copy of the resolution in half on the Assembly floor and told delegates, “for us, the Jewish people, this resolution based on hatred, falsehood and arrogance, is devoid of any moral or legal value.” As the Cold War ended and Israel’s diplomatic isolation eased, the political cost of the resolution to the states that had backed it grew clear. On 16 December 1991, the General Assembly adopted Resolution 46/86, revoking 3379 by a vote of 111 to 25 with 13 abstentions, a repeal driven substantially by the collapsing Soviet bloc and by US pressure ahead of the Madrid peace conference. Outright repeal of a General Assembly resolution is itself unusual; the Assembly typically lets resolutions lapse into irrelevance rather than formally disown one.

Section titled “Its legal status today, and how the libel resurfaces”

Resolution 3379 carries no legal force today; it was never binding even in 1975, since General Assembly resolutions are recommendations, not international law, and it has been formally revoked besides. But the underlying claim it enshrined, that the existence of a Jewish state is itself a racist project rather than an act of national self-determination like any other, did not die with the repeal. It resurfaced at the 2001 Durban World Conference Against Racism, where NGO forum language again singled out Israel as a “racist, apartheid state,” and it survives today in the apartheid charge, in BDS campaign rhetoric, and in academic framings of Zionism as settler colonialism. The distinction the 1991 repeal drew, and that critics of the original resolution drew from the start, is the one modern debate keeps losing: opposing specific Israeli government policies is ordinary political criticism, but denying the Jewish people alone, among all peoples claiming self-determination, the legitimacy of a state is treated by many definitions as antisemitism rather than as principled anti-nationalism, precisely because no equivalent movement is applied to any other nation’s founding ideology.

Zionism · UN Resolution 181, the Partition Plan · Is Israel an apartheid state · Is anti-Zionism antisemitism · Anti-Zionism vs antisemitism · Theodor Herzl